Cleared of “collusion” and flush with victory, President Trump is a man unleashed, ready to tackle everything that’s evaded him over the last two years. His first target is health care. “We’re going to get rid of Obamacare,” Trump said at a rally in Grand Rapids, Mich., on Thursday. “And I said the other day, the Republican Party will become the party of great health care. It’s good. It’s important.”
To that end, Trump had directed the Justice Department on Monday to seek the invalidation of the entire law, backing a federal district judge in Texas who declared it unconstitutional late last year.
Unraveling the Affordable Care Act would deal a catastrophic blow to the safety net. The health exchanges and new insurance regulations? Gone. Medicaid expansion, which even in its truncated form has reached people in 36 states? Gone. The host of protections for people who get health care through jobs and private insurers? Gone. Republican elites might cheer this destruction, but soon enough they would face millions of voters who pulled levers in 2016 believing that Trump and the Republican Party would protect them.
Remember, Trump did not run for president as an orthodox conservative Republican. He embraced social programs and so-called entitlements, rejecting the party’s boilerplate on government and the economy. “I’m not going to cut Social Security like every other Republican, and I’m not going to cut Medicare or Medicaid,” he said during the campaign. Elaborating on health care, he told CBS News that “everybody’s got to be covered,” which he called an “un-Republican thing” to say. “I am going to take care of everybody,” he added. “I don’t care if it costs me votes or not.”
This rhetoric mattered. Trump’s victory hinged on a group of voters supportive of programs like Social Security and Medicare but hostile toward Hispanic immigrants, Muslims and black Americans. These voters were cross-pressured: They were both opposed to conservative anti-government ideology and repelled by racial and cultural liberalism.
Trump relieved that pressure. He embraced the welfare state and demonized racial and religious minorities, attracting the most racially resentful whites from across the political spectrum. The substantial minority of Democrats who believed that “discrimination against whites is as big a problem today as discrimination against blacks and other minorities” could back a Republican presidential candidate without sacrificing their support for signature Democratic programs. They could indulge their racial chauvinism without jeopardizing their other priorities.
A disciplined Trump could have reshaped the Republican Party’s agenda to meet the economic concerns of its increasingly blue-collar base, sidelining the anti-government conservatism of figures like the former speaker of the House, Paul Ryan, or Senator Ted Cruz. There was a glimpse of this at the start of his term, from an Inaugural Address devoted to “the forgotten men and women of our country” to the promise of “economic nationalism” from Steve Bannon, then the president’s “chief strategist.”
Instead, Trump ceded most of his domestic agenda to the most conservative Republicans, with Ryan and the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, taking the lead in Congress and a cadre of ideologues shaping policy inside and outside the White House. Out was Trump’s health care for everyone; in was an aggressive effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act and unravel Medicaid. Out was a trillion infrastructure project; in was a nearly trillion tax cut weighted toward large corporations and wealthy individuals.
Key officials have moved the administration even further to the right. As director of the Office of Management and Budget, Mick Mulvaney wrote proposals with deep, destructive cuts to the social safety net. Now working as White House chief of staff, he appears to be the driving force behind this new attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act. He persuaded Trump to join a lawsuit by Republican attorneys general to invalidate the law, reportedly over the objections of Alex Azar, the health and human services secretary, and Attorney General William Barr, who will have to carry out the effort.
But while Trump’s decision to govern for conservatives has netted him high approval ratings with Republicans who remain loyal to him, it has also undermined the coalition that put him in the White House, threatening his prospects for re-election.
We saw some of this with the midterms. The drive to repeal Obamacare was a major reason Republicans lost their majority in the House of Representatives. The attempt made Trump’s approval rating plunge to the mid-30s, lower than that of other presidents at that point in their first term. Large majorities opposed the bill to repeal and replace the health care law, and 60 percent said it was a “good thing” it failed to pass. Forty-two percent of voters named health care as their top issue in the midterms, and 77 percent of them backed Democrats.
In 2016, Trump ran without the burden of a record. He could be everything to everyone — he could say what people wanted to hear. And he used that to reach out to working-class whites as a moderate on the economy and a hard-line conservative on race and immigration.
Now, as president, Trump is a standard-issue Republican with an almost total commitment to conservative economic policy. Those policies are unpopular. And they have created an opening for Democrats to win back some of the voters they’ve lost.
Speaking to The Washington Post, Chris Christie, the New Jersey governor who became an early Trump ally, summarized the conventional wisdom after Robert Mueller cleared the president of “collusion” and deferred on obstruction of justice. “It lifts a cloud that was over the White House for the entire time he was there,” Christie said.
But if you accept that voters will evaluate Trump the way they would an ordinary president, then the greatest threat to his political future was never just scandal and investigation. Instead, it was the vast gap between what he promised on the trail and what he has delivered in the White House. If Americans reject him in 2020, it will be in part because he has lost many of the people he said he would help.
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【灵】【儿】【又】【回】【到】【了】【柳】【桃】【村】，【她】【急】【冲】【冲】【去】【找】【师】【尊】。 “【师】【尊】，【那】，【那】【玉】【兔】【是】【来】【到】【凡】【间】【了】，【兔】【子】【之】【死】【肯】【定】【与】【她】【有】【关】。” “【这】【样】【说】，【那】【个】【叫】【红】【菲】【的】【很】【大】【可】【能】【就】【是】【玉】【兔】【了】。” “【师】【尊】，【前】【些】【日】【子】【我】【在】【商】【丘】【遇】【到】【了】【黑】【衣】【人】，【全】【来】【攻】【击】【我】，【他】【们】【还】【喊】【出】‘【得】【灵】【石】【者】【得】【天】【下】【者】’【的】【口】【号】。【不】【知】【道】【他】【们】【与】【玉】【兔】【是】【否】【有】【联】【系】？” “
【戴】【卫】【东】【看】【着】【一】【个】【个】【都】【在】【劝】【他】【不】【能】【不】【进】【修】【的】【人】，【特】【别】【是】【老】【友】【笑】【的】【嘴】【角】【都】【要】【到】【眼】【角】。 【他】【敢】【打】【赌】，【自】【家】【好】【友】【一】【定】【是】【在】【看】【他】【的】【笑】【话】。 “【我】【们】【是】【想】【进】【修】【没】【有】【办】【法】。”【张】【虹】【忍】【住】【笑】，【用】【眼】【神】【示】【意】【他】【们】【几】【个】【不】【要】【笑】【了】。 【没】【有】【看】【出】【戴】【卫】【东】【都】【已】【经】【要】【生】【气】【的】【发】【火】【么】，【可】【不】【能】【把】【这】【么】【一】【个】【金】【主】【给】【招】【惹】【毛】，【不】【然】【以】【后】【不】【带】【他】【们】【发】【财】【怎】
【这】【场】【梦】【幻】【的】【婚】【礼】【是】【不】【是】【一】【场】【梦】。【梦】【醒】【了】，【韩】【木】【子】【发】【现】，【原】【来】【一】【切】【都】【没】【有】【变】【化】【过】。【韩】【木】【子】【从】【未】【遇】【到】【过】【那】【个】【深】【爱】【的】【人】，【韩】【木】【子】【也】【从】【未】【被】【感】【情】【伤】【害】，【她】【的】【生】【活】【如】【白】【水】【一】【般】。【韩】【木】【子】【还】【是】【一】【个】【普】【通】【的】【人】，【过】【着】【普】【通】【的】【生】【活】。【每】【日】【朝】【九】【晚】【五】，【一】【年】【犹】【如】【一】【天】。【她】【想】【改】【变】，【可】【惜】【勇】【气】【逐】【渐】【磨】【灭】；【她】【想】【狂】【奔】，【可】【惜】【生】【活】【的】【重】【担】【压】【得】【她】【喘】【不】马会中网标【两】【天】【后】，【玉】【栏】【阁】。 “【那】【柳】【青】【查】【的】【怎】【么】【样】【了】？”【叶】【云】【问】【道】。 “【他】【本】【是】【沧】【州】【人】【士】，【家】【境】【贫】【寒】，【却】【饱】【读】【诗】【书】。”【林】【山】【说】【道】。 【叶】【云】【还】【在】【等】【他】【继】【续】【说】【呢】，【可】【林】【山】【却】【不】【说】【了】，【叶】【云】【问】【道】： “【没】【了】？” “【是】【啊】。” “【靠】，【家】【境】【贫】【寒】，【他】【怎】【么】【饱】【读】【的】【诗】【书】？”【叶】【云】【翻】【着】【白】【眼】【道】。 “【哦】，【他】【是】【在】【书】【院】【读】【的】【书】，
【孙】【立】【恩】【离】【开】【会】【议】【室】【的】【时】【候】，【脑】【子】【有】【些】【发】【懵】。 【调】【查】【员】【的】【问】【题】【都】【很】【犀】【利】，【就】【算】【心】【里】【没】【有】【什】【么】【可】【愧】【疚】【的】【内】【容】。【但】【孙】【立】【恩】【还】【是】【被】【问】【了】【一】【头】【的】【冷】【汗】。【他】【当】【然】【明】【白】，【如】【果】【一】【个】【问】【题】【回】【答】【的】【不】【好】，【那】【就】【真】【的】【要】【出】【事】。 【中】【间】【回】【答】【提】【问】【的】【时】【候】，【孙】【立】【恩】【好】【几】【次】【都】【觉】【得】【自】【己】【的】【回】【答】【有】【疏】【漏】。【但】【想】【改】【口】【却】【有】【些】【晚】【了】。【但】【那】【个】【提】【问】【很】【犀】【利】【的】
“【卧】【槽】！【这】【个】【吸】【血】【鬼】【好】【秀】【啊】。” “【这】【个】【人】【就】【尼】【玛】【的】【离】【谱】，【大】【木】【的】【心】【态】【都】【崩】【了】，【我】【对】【上】【的】【是】【个】【什】【么】【怪】【物】？” “【这】【个】【细】【节】【处】【理】，【是】**【无】【疑】，【这】【逼】【线】【上】【也】【太】【细】【了】。” “**【比】【羞】【男】【还】【要】【细】，【羞】【男】【是】【发】【育】【起】【来】【一】【打】【五】，**【明】【明】【装】【备】【烂】，【就】【是】【能】【操】【作】，【这】【技】【能】【躲】【得】【对】【面】【心】【态】【都】【崩】【了】。” “【这】【个】【人】【这】【么】【老】【是】【有】【这】